Production experiments on two cases of tonal neutralization in Taiwan Southern Min

Mao-Hsu Chen


This study explored two cases of tonal neutralization in Taiwan Southern Min: 1) context tones 55 and 24, which are both realized as Sandhi tone 33 on surface when occurring in context positions, and 2) context tone 21 and context checked tone 21 with a glottal stop coda are said to be realized the same in context positions as a high falling Sandhi tone 51. Speakers of two age groups, younger and older, were recruited for the production experiments to examine whether the neutralization is complete. Comparison between the four quartile and overall mean f0 values showed an age-based acoustic variation in the first case, where context tones 55 produced by the older speakers were significantly higher in pitch than context tones 24 throughout the entire contour, which was absent from the younger speakersÂ’ data. The second case, however, revealed a case of complete neutralization in terms of both the f0 contours, where no significant difference in the quartile and overall mean f0 values was found, and the durations of the target syllable as reported by linear mixed effects modeling.


DOI: 10.21437/SpeechProsody.2016-24

Cite as

Chen, M. (2016) Production experiments on two cases of tonal neutralization in Taiwan Southern Min. Proc. Speech Prosody 2016, 114-118.

Bibtex
@inproceedings{Chen2016,
author={Mao-Hsu Chen},
title={Production experiments on two cases of tonal neutralization in Taiwan Southern Min},
year=2016,
booktitle={Speech Prosody 2016},
doi={10.21437/SpeechProsody.2016-24},
url={http://dx.doi.org/10.21437/SpeechProsody.2016-24},
pages={114--118}
}