This paper is a preliminary report of the aspiration-conditioned tonal split in Leng-shui-jiang (LSJ hereafter) Chinese. So far no consensus has been reached concerning the intrinsic perturbation of aspiration on the F0 of the following vowel. Conflicting data come from both the same language and different languages. In order to shed light on this issue, F0 and Closing quotient (Qx hereafter) are calculated in syllables after aspirated and unaspirated obstruents from six speakers (three male, three female) in LSJ dialect. The results turn out that F0 is significantly lower after the aspirated obstruents in two out of the three tone groups. The relatively lower Qx found in the syllables with aspirated initials is a possible explanation for the lower pitch.
Bibliographic reference. Zhang, Caicai (2009): "Why would aspiration lower the pitch of the following vowel? observations from leng-shui-jiang Chinese", In INTERSPEECH-2009, 2299-2302.