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SPOKEN WORD ACCESS PROCESSES (SWAP)May 29-31, 2000 |
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If one accepts the division of the phonemic level into these two components, then as Norris et al point out, studies showing lexical influences on the identification of phonemes cannot unambiguously be attributed to an effect on encoding the phonemic information. Such a top-down attribution can only be shown through tasks in which the lexical information influences phonemic processing in a manner that does not require the listener to label the phoneme itself.
One such demonstration has been provided by Samuel [Cognitive Psychology,
1997, 32, 97-127]. In that study, lexical context led to the phonemic
restoration of a particular phoneme, and the resulting phoneme altered
the labeling of other phonemes, through selective adaptation. I will report
on a set of new selective adaptation experiments that provide further evidence
that lexical activation can affect the activation of phonemes. The new
experiments use a "Ganong" type of lexical influence to push the perception
of a phonemically-neutral sound toward one lexical item or another, which
in turn causes the sound itself to be perceived as one phoneme or another.
For example, a fricative noise that is perceptually midway between /s/
and /S/ will be heard as /s/ when placed at the end of "bronchiti", but
as /S/ at the end of "aboli". Selective adaptation with words made with
this sort of concatenation produces changes in how listeners hear test
syllables from an "iss"-"ish" continuum. Appropriate control conditions
rule out artifactual explanations for these results. The data thus require
top-down lexical-phonemic connections, suggesting that Merge’s architecture
must be modified.
Bibliographic reference. Samuel, Arthur G. (2000): "Some empirical tests of Merge's architecture", In SWAP-2000, 51-54.